Dave Carney, a Republican political strategist who ran Rick Perry’s presidential race in 2012, speculated that the remarks could be deeply damaging.
“He’s walking on a tightrope,” Mr. Carney said of Mr. Trump. “He loves the applause of the crowd 100 stories down. But when you start to make fun of being born again and redemption and Christian faith in our party, you can talk yourself right off the tightrope.”
.. Ed Goeas a longtime Republican pollster, said the biggest problem for Mr. Trump may be the use of the word “stupid.” Voters may forgive many things, like insulting Mexicans and Mr. McCain, he said, but they do not like being called dumb.
.. “He can say these things and get away with it because the race really isn’t about him, but about voter anger at Washington and President Obama and also at Republicans who can’t get things done,” Mr. McLaughlin said.
“Saturday Night Live” Gets Trumped
The show didn’t, in any truly cutting way, make fun of Trump: it made fun of Trump voters, or at least the people it imagined them to be. Instead of looking for the weakness in the Republican front-runner, the show looked for the weak characters drawn to him.
Why Trump Matters
..To a great extent, our progressive culture strips ordinary people of almost all settled roles, other than economic ones. This heightens the existential pain of the already harsh economic realities of our globalized economy, which can be very punitive to the poorly educated. Two generations ago, a working class man was often poor or nearly poor, but he could be respected in his neighborhood as a provider for his family, father to his children, law-abiding citizen, coach of a Little League team, and usher in church. The culture that made such a life possible has disintegrated, partly due to large-scale trends in our post-industrial society, but also because of a sustained and ongoing ideological assault on the basic norms for family and community.
.. white people do not know how to suffer successfully.
.. In particular, we explore the possibility that working class disengagement from the institutions of work and marriage (Cherlin, 2009;Wilcox, 2010) are strongly associated with recent declines in religious attendance among white working class Americans.
.. Thus, if moderately educated whites are now less likely to be stably employed, to earn a decent income, to be married with children, and to hold familistic views, they may also be less likely to feel comfortable or interested in regularly attending churches that continue to uphold conventional norms, either implicitly or explicitly
.. the bottom line is that the changes in the American economy over the past few decades have worked to alienate working-class whites from religious life because of the way the white working class connects its sense of self, and of justice, to the ability to be rewarded for hard work, being honest, playing by the rules, and delaying gratification. When this formula fails, they don’t know how to deal with it. Say the sociologists, “In brief, the declining economic position of white working class Americans may have made the bourgeois moral logic embodied in many churches both less attractive and attainable.”
The Republican Class War
A generation ago, Democrats lost five of six Presidential elections; in 1992, Bill Clinton, calling himself a New Democrat, ended the streak. Clinton didn’t repudiate the whole Democratic platform—government activism on behalf of ordinary Americans remained the Party’s core idea—but he adopted positions on issues like crime and welfare that were more closely aligned with the views of the majority, including some rank-and-file Democrats. The message, Wehner said, was as much symbolic as substantive: “ ‘We’re not a radical party; we’ve sanded off our rougher edges, and you can trust me.’ ”
.. The essays don’t upend Republican orthodoxy. They argue that government should intervene on behalf of poor and middle-income Americans, but in ways that apply market principles to public policy, taking power away from Washington and giving individuals more options. Some proposals are familiar: school choice, health-care savings accounts. Others are more daring—for example, having college education underwritten by private investors, then repaid over the next decade as a predetermined percentage of graduates’ earnings. A few ideas, such as a wage subsidy that would increase the pay of workers making less than forty thousand dollars a year, building on the Earned Income Tax Credit, could easily garner bipartisan support.
.. The reformocon project shows how extreme mainstream conservatism has become in its opposition to anything involving the state. The reformocons court right-wing censure simply by acknowledging that the middle class is under pressure, and that government has a role to play beyond cutting taxes.
.. To the reformocons’ dismay, Trump has commandeered their target audience and tainted their high-minded proposals.
.. More than anything, Trump supporters are defined by class: non-college-educated whites favor him at twice the rate of those with college degrees. Trump is attracting the very blue-collar Americans whom the reformocons were aiming to bind to the Republican Party.
.. Last year, a Gallup poll found that forty-five per cent of Republicans think that the rich should pay more in taxes. Another poll, by the Pew Research Center, showed that more Republicans favor increased spending on Social Security, Medicare, education, and infrastructure than favor cutting those programs. Although government activism is anathema to conservative donors and Grover Norquist, it’s fine with a lot of Republicans making less than fifty thousand dollars a year.
.. Trump presents himself as a capitalist boss who won’t let capitalism tear apart the (white) social fabric.
.. The outlook of the Republican grass roots, and of many Party leaders, is what Richard Hofstadter, writing toward the end of the McCarthy era, called “pseudo-conservative,” because “its exponents, although they believe themselves to be conservatives and usually employ the rhetoric of conservatism, show signs of a serious and restless dissatisfaction with American life, traditions, and institutions.”
.. [Kasich] offered no policy proposals to help the middle class, besides balancing the federal budget and deregulating business.
.. A tall, athletic-looking man asked Kasich, “Doesn’t cleaning the system out start with changing our campaign-finance system, starting with overturning Citizens United?” He was referring to the 2010 Supreme Court ruling permitting unlimited campaign spending by independent groups.
Kasich’s tone was dismissive. “So you change the campaign-finance laws,” he said. “How will it work? Probably not all that great. ’Cause what it gets down to is what’s in your heart.” He went on, “I got bigger fish to fry.” He mentioned the budget, entitlements, defense spending. “These are really big things. You got to have priorities.”
.. “My ideal candidate would be somebody who has a lot of Donald Trump’s views but is more polished,” he said. The best alternative, he felt, was Rubio. When I pointed out that Rubio was a Washington insider, Lynch sighed. “That’s the pickle I’m in, and a lot of people are in,” he said. “No matter who gets elected, it’s just going to be more of the same.
.. In other words, the way to think about inequality is by looking down, not up. It’s not the wealth amassed at the top but, rather, the lack of “skills, values, and habits” at the bottom that accounts for the widening income gap. Oddly, Wehner’s essay barely mentions the economic struggles of the middle class. A close look at the three middle quintiles of income, where Americans with an education, a job, and a spouse can be found treading water or sinking, would have forced him to reconsider the notion that a lack of “social capital”—as opposed to just capital—explains the entire problem.
.. What kind of “national community” built on “mutual obligation” is possible when Americans have so little shared experience?
.. It’s no accident that we’re in the era of Citizens United. Such rulings give ordinary Americans the strong suspicion that the game is rigged. Democratic institutions no longer feel legitimate when they continue to produce blatantly unfair outcomes; it’s one of those insights that only an élite could miss.
.. The reformocons like to quote Lincoln, but not this memorable sentence: “Republicans are for both the man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar.”
.. Trump is as popular in Ohio as anywhere else,” John C. Green, a political scientist at the University of Akron, told me in September, in his office. The Presidential campaign felt far away—Ohio’s primary isn’t until next March—but the state remains key to the general election. “Part of it is that Trump’s an emblem of success, and the other part of it is he taps people’s anger,” Green said. “It’s not the same anger as a few years ago, when it was ‘Where are the jobs?’ Now it’s ‘Where’s our share of the American dream?’ ” Green, who does polling research on Ohio and American politics, went on, “A lot of white working-class votes are up for grabs in this election.
.. According to Policy Matters Ohio, since 2013 Kasich’s policies, including a higher sales tax and cigarette tax, have raised average annual taxes on the state’s poorest fifth by seventeen dollars, given middle-income people a ninety-four-dollar cut, and returned seventeen thousand dollars to members of the one per cent. “We’ve engineered a tax shift to lower- and middle-income Ohioans,” Schiller said. “And we’ve reduced over-all tax revenue.”
.. As long as Republicans cling to the warped logic of trickle-down economics, their efforts to help middle-class Americans will be largely rhetorical.
.. Baum found Trump’s insulting manner refreshing, calling it “a mirror of the way they treat us.”
.. Levin’s description of American life sounds appealing, but it does not reflect the reality of the steelworkers’ lives. The “massive, distant system of material provision” is their company, which is far more top-down than any federal bureaucracy. Nothing happens face to face; immediately felt needs go ignored; families don’t matter. There is no “common life” except for the workers’ desperate effort to stick together as they look ahead to weeks or months without pay—or, perhaps, a future without a job. Global competition is making these workers disposable, and so they are turning for insight and inspiration to Sanders, or Piketty, or Trump.