How Republicans Should Deal With the Public Legacy of Slavery

“if a school, bridge or town is named to recognize a person’s positive contribution to society, it should stay — even if that person has other negative associations.

.. the test Gaby established to determine whether Confederate statues ought to stay or be removed: If a child asks what someone did that earned them a statue and the only possible answer is that he fought in the Civil War to defend slavery, then the statue should go.

.. But, if a statue or other tribute honors someone such as Thomas Jefferson, who, like Washington, was a slave owner, and history confirms his life’s work and contributions to the public good were not in furtherance of slavery, then it should remain.

.. when was the last time you heard anyone cry foul over the Democratic icon, Eleanor Roosevelt’s anti-Semitism early in her life?

.. he seems to be trying to distinguish himself as a protector of Confederate symbols. People such as Stewart have no place in the Republican Party.

.. We can all agree that the statues in New Orleans, Richmond and elsewhere that serve only to celebrate the lives of those who fought for slavery should no longer have a place in the public square. But for anyone on the left to make the argument that Republicans tend to be racist and nostalgic about slavery is dishonest, and Republicans should not be shy about saying so.

Jon Stewart on Trump & Why he really left the Daily Show (11/22/2016)

Filmed a few weeks after the 2016 election: (2016-11-22)

  • The same country that elected Donald Trump elected Barak Obama.
  • Are we an ideal or some form of ethnostate? (8:08)
  • No one asked Donald Trump what makes America Great? (10:22)
  • Steve Carrell gets to ask a tough question about Pork Barrel spending, but he has to pull his punches because comedy is catch and release  (22:37)
  • Jon on why he left the Daily Show (35:10)
  • Susan B Anthony symbolizes the country.  She didn’t want black men to get the vote before white women. (38:20)
  • America is not natural. Tribal is natural (39:25)

Oregon Was Founded As a Racist Utopia

When Oregon was granted statehood in 1859, it was the only state in the Union admitted with a constitution that forbade black people from living, working, or owning property there. It was illegal for black people even to move to the state until 1926. Oregon’s founding is part of the forgotten history of racism in the American west.

 Waddles Coffee Shop in Portland, Oregon was a popular restaurant in the 1950s for both locals and travelers alike. The drive-in catered to America’s postwar obsession with car culture, allowing people to get coffee and a slice of pie without even leaving their vehicle. But if you happened to be black, the owners of Waddles implored you to keep on driving. The restaurant had a sign outside with a very clear message: “White Trade Only — Please.”
.. According to Oregon’s founding constitution, black people were not permitted to live in the state. And that held true until 1926.
.. Today, while 13 percent of Americans are black, just 2 percent of Oregon’s population is black.
.. the summer of 1844, for example, the Legislative Committee passed a provision that said any free black people who were in the state would be subject to flogging if they didn’t leave within two years. The floggings were supposed to continue every six months until they left the territory.
That provision was revised in December of 1845 to remove the flogging part. Instead, free black people who remained would be offered up “publicly for hire” to any white person who would remove them from the territory.
.. Roughly 75 percent of voters opted to reject the adoption of slavery. The second measure was whether or not to exclude black people from the state. About 89 percent of voters cast their vote in favor of excluding black and mixed race people from the state.
.. The voters who overwhelmingly embraced this exclusion rationalized it not as blind hate, but as a progressive move that was simply keeping their new land “pure.” Utopia often means starting from scratch, and just as often it means excluding undesirables.

.. It was largely an expression against any mingling of the white with any of the other races, and upon a theory that as we had yet no considerable representation of other races in our midst, we should do nothing to encourage their introduction. We were building a new state on virgin ground; it’s people believed it should encourage only the best elements to come to us, and discourage others.

This language about virgin ground and “the best elements,” burned into law in the new state, was used as a recruitment tool for other white Americans in the latter half of the 19th century — many of whom were white “refugees” from the south who were fleeing the dissolution of slavery.

.. “If you look at some of the recruiting materials, in essence they’re saying come and build the kind of white homeland, the kind of white utopia that you dream of,” Imarisha said. “Other communities of color were also controlled, not with exclusion laws, but the populations were kept purposefully small because the idea behind it was about creating explicitly a white homeland.”

.. Though Asian people were not specifically called out in Oregon’s constitutional exclusion laws, the white people of many towns large and small did their best to drive out non-white people any time they got the chance.

As just one example, the white people of La Grande burned that city’s Chinatown to the ground in 1893.

 .. In 1922 the Klan in Oregon boasted membership of over 14,000 men, with 9,000 of them living in Portland.
.. In 1923, Oregon governor, Walter M. Pierce, and Portland mayor George L. Baker, attended and spoke at a dinner in honor of Grand Dragon Frederick L. Gifford’s birthday.
.. The Telegram was one of the few newspapers in Oregon to openly oppose the Klan at the height of its power in the state.
.. People of color were naturally a target for the Klan during this period, but with so few people to irrationally hate for the color of their skin, they turned to campaigns against other groups like Catholics.

What do slaveholders think?

It is everywhere illegal yet slavery persists in many corners of the global economy. How do its beneficiaries justify it?

 The fact that I was most interested in challenging bonded labour – a contemporary form of slavery – didn’t matter.
.. Around half of the world’s slaves are held in debt bondage in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Debt bondage is a very old form of slavery in which radically marginalised members of society, often from India’s ‘untouchable’ caste, must trade all their labour for single small infusions of cash.
.. Lack of other work, lack of credit, and the need to pay for schooling and marriages effectively guarantee that there is no single contractual debt between the landlord and labourer but rather a string of interconnected informal loans.
.. Workers are often promised that their debt will be repaid within a certain period of time, only to be told that they have somehow incurred new debts. Running debts are occasionally sold to other slaveholders, and in this way a worker can change hands several times.
.. Where slavery is verboten, psychological control through deception and fear is the new coin of the realm.
.. it is the caste system – with Brahmin at the head and ‘untouchable’ beneath
.. the caste-based worldview frames these exploitative labour relations in familial terms.
.. Aanan, who views himself as the caring parent and his workers as children. ‘To manage a group of labourers is like managing a group of primary-school children.
.. We divide them into small groups because larger numbers of workers tend to form a union
.. Aanan says the happiness of his worker is paramount, even though his business model depends on entrapping the vulnerable and working them to the bone
.. Rowdy festivals allow workers to blow off steam, effectively directing frustration away from their abusers
.. When asked if he needs the workers or the workers need him, Aanan explains that: ‘The worker is my cash machine, my fate.’ In this one statement, he has captured a central contradiction inherent in most human-rights violations worldwide
.. It is the emotional pressure that works.’ A key strategy for Aanan is keeping workers indebted while asking for their gratitude and undermining their perception that opportunities exist.
.. In a form of Stockholm syndrome, the oppressed often agree.
.. I have been told by bonded labourers that they genuinely owe a debt – some having worked for years to repay an amount that would have taken 10 days of work at prevailing wages.

.. Bonded labour requires an actual relationship in which the perpetrator is keenly aware of what kind of pressure – threats? violence? promises? –  will ensure compliant work, despite abusive conditions and a lack of pay.

.. Contemporary slaveholders, like contemporary slavery, come in many forms. And these men have other terms for their socioeconomic roles and relationships, including ‘employer’, ‘boss’, ‘landlord’, ‘farmer’, ‘contractor’, ‘master’, and ‘landowner’.
.. Do Aanan and Ahmed not see the scene – debt bondage, child labour, trafficking – as blatantly wrong?
.. In conversations with rights-violators such as Aanan, I heard the same thing again and again: ‘You’re the first person to ask me about my life.
 .. In my talks with powerful-looking but powerless-feeling people, I discovered the power of nostalgia.
.. in rural India, where the caste system is remembered with nostalgia, as it is in Indiana, where an industrial era is remembered wistfully, despite a history of racial exclusion.
.. In times of cultural, political or economic upheaval, rights-violators are often trapped between the awesomely powerful and the completely powerless. What do we know of people who might once have possessed great power, but who are now in decline?
.. Each yearned for the old days, when ‘we were like family’, and each member of the community knew his or her place.
.. respect was expected in exchange for care
.. Labourers, in this nostalgic reckoning, were hard-working, grateful and honest. They held up their end of the cosmic bargain so central to caste, and benefited in turn.
.. rhetorical threats such as ‘Don’t you know who I am?’ ring hollow when mobile phones deliver news about better jobs in growing cities connected by bigger roads. Traditional authority is a depreciating asset for many slaveholders faced with broader social and economic change. Workers are voting with their feet.
.. ‘The worst part of these interviews was that they were not difficult … I never met the monster I anticipated.’
.. Human-rights violators are a far cry from John Rawls’s evil, bad and unjust men. ‘What moves the evil man is the love of injustice,’ Rawls wrote in A Theory of Justice (1971), ‘he delights in the impotence and humiliation of those subject to him and relishes being recognised by them as the wilful author of their degradation.’ 
.. The contemporary traffickers and slaveholders I spoke with are not motivated by a love of injustice. They are instead driven by cultural inertia, a desire for profit or, more frequently, a need for basic sustenance.
.. What came up, time after time, was respect, honour and dignity.
.. real question is how we respond to loss – by lashing out, by learning, by opening up, or by closing down.
.. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was right when he wrote in the The Gulag Archipelago (1973): ‘If only it were all so simple! If only there were evil people somewhere insidiously committing evil deeds, and it were necessary only to separate them from the rest of us and destroy them. But the line dividing good and evil cuts through the heart of every human being. And who is willing to destroy a piece of his own heart?’