It would damage the country, and those who say yes bear some blame for the presidentâs rise.
Where did Donald Trump come from? Where is the GOP going? Should the whole thing be burned down? A lot had to go wrong before we got a President Trump. This fact, once broadly acknowledged, has gotten lost, as if a lot of people want it forgotten.
Mr. Trumpâs election came from two unwon wars, which constituted a historic foreign-policy catastrophe, and the Great Recession, which those in power, distracted by their mighty missions, didnât see coming until it arrived with all its wreckage. He came from the decadeslong refusal of both partiesâ leadership to respect and respond to Americansâ anxieties, from left and right, about illegal immigration. He came from bad policy and bad stands on crucial issues.
He came from the growing realization of on-the-ground Americans that neither party seemed to feel any particular affiliation with or loyalty to them, that both considered them lumpen bases to be managed and manipulated. He came from the great and increasing social and cultural distance between the movers and talkers of the national GOP, its strategists, operatives, thinkers, pundits and party professionals, and the partyâs base. He came from algorithms that deliberately excite, divide and addict, and from lawmakers who came to see that all they had to do to endure was talk, not legislate, because legislating involves compromise and, in an era grown polar and primitive, compromise is for quislings.
He came from a spirit of frustration among a sizable segment of the electorate that, in time, became something like a spirit of nihilism. It will be a long time repairing that, and no one is sure how to.
And here, in that perfect storm, was Mr. Trumpâs simple, momentary genius. He declared for president as a branding exercise and went out and said applause lines, and when the crowd cheered, he decided âThis is my program,â and when it didnât cheer, he thought, âHuh, that is not my program.â Some of it was from his gut, but most of it was that casual. After the election a former high official told me he observed it all from the side of the stage. This week the official said that after a rally, on the plane home, all Mr. Trump and Jared Kushner would talk about was the reaction. âDid you see how they responded to that?â
The base, with its cheers, said they werenât for cutting entitlement benefits. They were still suffering from the effects of 2008, and other things. They werenât for open borders or for more foreign fighting. They were for the guy who said he hated the elites as much as they did.
The past four years have produced a different kind of disaster, one often described in this space. The past six months Mr. Trump came up against his own perfect storm, one he could neither exploit nor talk his way past: a pandemic, an economic contraction that will likely produce a lengthy recession, and prolonged, sometimes violent national street protests. If the polls can be trusted, he is on the verge of losing the presidency.
Now various of his foes, in or formerly of his party, want to burn the whole thing downâlevel the party, salt the earth where it stood, remove Republican senators, replace them with Democrats.
This strikes me as another form of nihilism. Itâs bloody-minded and not fully responsible for three reasons.
First, itâs true that the two-party system is a mess and a great daily frustration. But in the end, together and in spite of themselves, both parties still function as a force for unity in that when an election comes, whatever your disparate stands, you have to choose whether you align more with Party A or Party B. This encourages coalitions and compromise. It wonât work if there are four parties or six; things will splinter, the system buckle. The Democratic Party needs the Republican Party, needs it to restrain its excesses and repair what it does that proves injurious. The Republicans need the Democrats, too, for the same reasons.
Second, if the Republicans lose the presidency, the House and the Senate in November, the rising progressives of the Democratic Party will be emboldened and present a bill for collection. Theyâll push hard for what they want. This will create a runaway train that will encourage bad policy that will damage the nation. Republicans and conservatives used to worry about that kind of thing.
Third, Donald Trump is burning himself down. Has no one noticed?
When the Trump experience is over, the Republican Party will have to be rebuilt. It will have to begin with tens of millions of voters who previously supported Mr. Trump. It will have to decide where it stands, its reason for being. It wonât be enough to repeat old mantras or formulations from 1970 to 2000. Itâs 2020. Weâre a different country.
A lot is going to have to be rethought. Simple human persuasion will be key.
Rebuilding doesnât start with fires, purges and lists of those you want ejected from the party.
Many if not most of those calling for burning the whole thing down are labeled âNever Trump,â and a lot of them are characterologically quick to point the finger of blame. Theyâre aiming at Trump supporters in Congress. Some of those lawmakers have abandoned long-held principles to show obeisance to the president and his supporters. Some, as you know if you watched the supposed grilling of tech titans this week, are just idiots.
But Never Trumpers never seem to judge themselves. Many of them, when they were profiting through past identities as Republicans or conservatives, supported or gave strategic cover to the wars that were such a calamity, and attacked those who dissented. Many showed no respect to those anxious about illegal immigration and privately, sometimes publicly, denounced them as bigots. Never Trumpers eloquently decry the vulgarization of politics and say the presidency is lowered by a man like Mr. Trump, and it is. But they invented Sarah Palin and unrelentingly attacked her critics. They often did it in the name of party loyalty.
Some Never Trumpers helped create the conditions that created President Trump. What would be helpful from them now is not pyromaniac fantasies but constructive modesty, even humility.
The partyâs national leaders and strategists donât have a lot to be proud of the past few decades. The future of the party will probably bubble up from the states.
But it matters that the past six months Mr. Trump has been very publicly doing himself in, mismanaging his crisesâsetting himself on fire. As long as thatâs clear, his supporters wonât be able to say, if he loses, that he was a champion of the people who was betrayed by the party elites, the Never Trumpers and the deep state: âHe didnât lose, he was the victim of treachery.â
Both parties have weaknesses. Liberals enjoy claiming progress that can somehow never quite be quantified. Conservatives like the theme of betrayal.
It will be unhelpful for Republicans, and bad for the country, if thatâs the background music of the party the next 10 years.
American Paganism
Itâs not what the Religious Right thinks it is.
Claims of moral decline are a perennial feature of conservative rhetoric. But in recent years, pro-Trump Christians have emphasized a new reason to be afraid. The United States, they say, is devolving into such wanton âpaganismâ that the country may not survive. The true America awaits rescue by the Christian faithful, and in such an existential struggle, nearly any means are justifiedâeven reelecting a morally abhorrent president.
Examples of this rhetoric are not in short supply, among pundits and even in more scholarly work. In an essay praising Donald Trumpâs âanimal instinctâ for âorderâ and âsocial cohesion,â Sohrab Ahmari opposed an America of âtraditional Christianityâ to one of âlibertine ways and paganized ideology.â These are our only choices, he insisted. Between such incompatible enemies, there can be only âwar and enmity,â so true believers should be ready to sacrifice civility in the battles ahead to reconquer the public square. Rod Dreher has speculated that Trump, while unpalatable, could be a divine emissary holding back the horrors of Christian persecution, like the biblical figure of He Who Delays the Antichrist, an implicit nod to old pagan enemies. âIf Christians like me vote for Trump in 2020,â Dreher warns, âit is only because of his role as katechon in restraining what is far worse.â Though in a calmer tone, Ross Douthat entertained similar ideas in his column âThe Return of Paganism,â wondering if the pantheist tendencies in American civil religion could morph into a neo-paganism hostile to Christian faith.
Douthat cites a recent book by law professor Steven D. Smith, Pagans & Christians in the City: Culture Wars from the Tiber to the Potomac. According to Smith, what we know as âsecularismâ is actually ancient paganism in modern guise. Since paganism is inherently anti-Christian, this means Christians should oppose both secular politics and secular universities at any cost. They are not fighting against a neutral arbiter, but against the wiles of pagan Rome redivivus, a strain of this-worldly sexualized spirituality nearly eradicated by Christianity, but now mutated and all the more lethal.
Smith is only the most recent Christian author to invoke the specter of paganism. R. R. Reno, the editor of First Things, wrote Resurrecting the Idea of a Christian Society on the eve of the 2016 election, apparently anticipating a Clinton victory. The bookâs title alludes to T. S. Eliotâs 1938 essay on âThe Idea of a Christian Society,â in which Eliot condemns the rise of âmodern paganism.â Reno told his readers to view 2016 in light of 1938. âWould the West seek a Christian future or a pagan one?â he asked. âWe face a similar decision today. Will we seek to live in accord with the idea of a Christian society, or will we accept the tutelage of a pagan society?â Yuval Levin called Renoâs book a âcall to arms against a postmodern paganism.â
This charge of looming paganism exerts a twofold political function. First, it
- rationalizes Trumpism, casting our situation as a state of emergency that threatens the survival of U.S. Christians.
- Second, the sacrilege of pagan religion prevents Trumpâs supporters from indulging in political moderation by making that seem like a form of apostasy. Itâs probably not a coincidence that âpaganismâ is on the rise just as Christian conservatives decide whether to support the current administration in an election year. It is challenging to explain how Trumpâs policies are Christian. It is far easier to label his opponents as pagans, and thus align the president with Christianity by default. But there are fundamental problems with the conservative narrative of a resurgent paganism.
In the first place, the term âpaganismâ only works in this maneuver because it is vague and perspectival. It always has been, ever since Christians invented it. Ancient Christians stuck the name on those who continued the traditional rites of Greco-Roman religion rather than adopt the true faith. Indeed the largely urban Christians meant it as a mild pejorative for the rural country bumpkins, the pagani, who lived far from imperial centers and persisted in their benighted worship of the old gods. In our terms, the first âpagansâ lived in flyover country and clung to their traditional religion.Â
Since âpaganâ has come to mean âun-Christian,â every invocation of âpaganâ brings with it an implicit understanding of âChristian.â The meaning of the former is parasitic on the latter. Misunderstanding the essence of paganism, therefore, also means misunderstanding the demands of Christianity, and vice versa.
More left-leaning Christians might well agree with Smith and Reno in one sense: there is indeed an ascendant paganism afoot in our country today. It threatens the social and moral fabric of American public life and contends directly against the voice of Christian truth. One can brook no compromise in resisting it. The difference comes in how that paganism is defined. The debate is not whether paganism is real, but where it lives, how it appears, and what it does. If conservatives have mistaken its location, they might be training their weapons in the wrong direction.
Much hangs, then, on accurately discerning the meaning of âmodern paganism.â Let us consider three proposals: Steven Smithâs recent version, T. S. Eliotâs original version, and another timely version from First Things.
Christians were the most conspicuous defenders of divine immanence in the ancient world. It was pagans who derided Christians for violating the self-evident truths of divine transcendence.Steven Smith suggests that secularism is not a neutral space, but conceals its own religious identity, which is essentially pagan. It venerates the sacred within the natural world, knows only the cycle of birth and death, and thus celebrates a libertine sexuality. As opposed to Abrahamic religions that affirm the âtranscendent sacred,â paganisms old and new prefer the âimmanent sacred.â Smith delves into the emergence of Christians in the Roman Empire and vividly evokes the oddity of Christianity in the ancient world, heeding the scholarship of Peter Brown, Jan Assmann, and Kyle Harper (but Edward Gibbon most of all). Smith then applies his ancient model to American constitutional law and finds it confirms conservative positions on religious freedom, public symbols, and sexual norms.
But there are serious problems with Smithâs argument. Since the 1970s, scholars of religion have largely retired the vague categories formerly used to organize speculation about comparative religionsâsacred and secular, immanent and transcendent, holy and profane, this-worldly and other-worldly. Major religious traditions are massive and multifarious in the ways they sustain rituals, ethics, and beliefs. Their communities cut across languages, continents, empires, and epochs, teeming with exceptions and discontinuities. The blunt tools applied by Smith are simply not up to the task of uncovering the essence of one religion, let alone two or three, and they are certainly not able to trace the notoriously complicated history of the âsecular.â
For the sake of argument, though, let us grant Smith his chosen terms, and even focus on his central claim, that Christianity can lead the way in challenging modern secularity, since it insists on the âtranscendent sacredâ in a way that secular paganism does not. Smithâs proposal rests upon a fundamental analogy: paganism is to Christianity as immanence is to transcendence. Christians pray to the God beyond the world; pagans encounter divinity inside the weft of nature.
Even a cursory knowledge of Christianity is enough to refute this analogy. It is true that Judaism teaches the absolute transcendence of the one God, as do Islamic theologians today, and as did Neoplatonist pagan philosophers in antiquity who sought a divine One beyond every thought, word, and image. By contrast, orthodox Christians claim that God arrived and now eternally resides within the fabric of nature, as the Creator enters into creation in the body of Jesus Christ. To cite Smithâs definition of âpaganism,â it is Christianity, in fact, that ârefers to a religious orientation that locates the sacred within this world.â The Christian belief in the Incarnation is nothing if not a belief in the âimmanent sacred.â
The new Christian movement distinguished itself from Greek philosophy, Roman cults, and Jewish faith alike by affirming an extensive and peculiar list of divine incursions into immanence: the Incarnation of God in the body of Jesus; Anneâs immaculate conception of Mary; Maryâs virginal conception and vaginal birth of the Son of God, making her Theotokos; the real flesh of Jesus suffering on the cross, against the Gnostics (Tertullian); the real presence of Jesus in the Eucharistic bread and wine, also against the Gnostics; the Resurrection of the body after death; the bodily assumption of Mary; the martyrdom of the body as bloody birth into heaven (Perpetua) or as the grinding of flesh into bread (Ignatius of Antioch); the church birthed through the bleeding side wound of a dying Jesus; the church as maternal breast suckling the Christian with milk; the union of Christ and Christians as the exemplar of which sexual union is the image (Ephesians 5, Origen of Alexandria). Above all, the scandalous immanence that might have sounded pagan to Jesusâs disciples: âUnless you eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, you do not have life within youâ (John 6). The enemy of these traditional Christian teachings is not sacred immanence, but rather a gnosticism that dematerializes and disembodies the real presence of God within creation.
The radically immanent sacred of Christians scandalized the Romans. As Ramsay MacMullen observes, Christians worshipping a new transcendent deity would have passed unremarked. But the Christian belief that Jesus was neither prophet nor sage but a fleshly God would have been mocked by pagan intellectuals as a risible error. The late New Testament scholar Larry Hurtado writes: âIn the philosophical traditions, an ultimate and radically transcendent deity was often postulated, but you did not typically engage that transcendent deity directly.⊠But there was a still more unusual and, in the eyes of pagan sophisticates, outlandish Christian notion: the one, true, august God who transcended all things and had no need of anything, nevertheless, had deigned to create this world and, a still more remarkable notion, also now actively sought the redemption and reconciliation of individuals.â For pagan intellectuals, Hurtado concludes, âall this was, quite simply, preposterous.â
For instance, in his work On the True Doctrine (178 CE), the pagan philosopher Celsus is ready to accept that God exists, creates all things, and transcends nature. But in shades of Sam Harris or Richard Dawkins, Celsus laughs away the claim that God was incarnated in Jesus, or that the body could be resurrected. âI mean, what sort of body is it that could return to its original nature or become the same as it was before it rotted away?â he mocks. âAnd of course they have no reply for this one, and as in most cases where there is no reply they take cover by saying âNothing is impossible with God.â A brilliant answer indeed! But the fact is, God cannot do what is contrary to nature.â
Christian philosophers saw the divide similarly. Tertullian admits that pagan philosophers might even discern that God exists by their own lights. But they always miss that God descended into a virgin and was made flesh in her womb. Augustine reports that he learned from the pagan philosopher Plotinus that the Logos was transcendentâbut only Christians taught him how the Logos embraced the human body in all of its weakness and vulnerability, and its awful exposure to the whims of imperial violence.
To put it bluntly: paganism cannot simply mean divine immanence. On the contrary, Christians were the most conspicuous defenders of that principle in the ancient world. It was pagans who derided Christians for violating the self-evident truths of divine transcendence.
The resemblances between the modern paganism feared by T.S. Eliot in 1938 and conservative politics in 2020 are uncanny.A better starting point for defining âpaganismâ is T. S. Eliotâs essay âThe Idea of a Christian Society,â written in the dark days of 1938, where he proposes that the greatest enemy of modern Christianity is âmodern paganism.â Reno and Smith alike summon Eliot as a sober authority in perilous times, but neither presents Eliotâs own account of the term in question. So how did Eliot define paganism? Itâs important to stay as close as possible to his own words.
First, Eliot says paganism embraces an authoritarian politics that confuses religion and nationhood. The âdistinguishing markâ of a Christian society, Eliot writes, is its productive âtensionâ between church and state, but pagan society seeks to âfuseâ them. Pagan culture âde-Christianisesâ individuals gradually and unwittingly, as authoritarianism creeps in. Soon, he warns, oneâs hymns are no longer to God alone, but also to the dear leader.
Second, Eliot says that modern paganism incites ecological destruction. The Christian lives in harmony with nature; the pagan destroys public resources for private profit. âUnregulated industrialismâ and âthe exhaustion of natural resources,â writes Eliot, lead to âthe exploitation of the earth, on a vast scale.â In a formulation that strikingly anticipates Laudato siâ, he puts it succinctly: âA wrong attitude towards nature implies, somewhere, a wrong attitude towards God.â
Third, modern paganism imposes a puritanical public morality. It promotes, in Eliotâs words, âregimentation and conformity, without respect for the needs of the individual soulâ and âthe puritanism of a hygienic morality in the interest of efficiency.â According to Eliot, in fact, modern paganism will even attempt to elevate the status of Christian identity in society. But paganism embraces Christianity not because itâs true, but because it consolidates the nation and discourages dissent. He notes that authoritarians have always celebrated public morality. They want, in a way, more morality, even if their priorities are haphazardly formulated. Eliot warns that such a moralistic Christianity is not only a perversion of the faith: âIt is not enthusiasm, but dogma, that differentiates a Christian from a pagan society.â Such versions of Christianity might even âengender nothing better than a disguised and peculiarly sanctimonious nationalism, accelerating our progress toward the paganism which we say we abhor.â
The resemblances between the modern paganism feared by Eliot in 1938 and conservative politics in 2020 are uncanny. The âpaganismâ that future Christians will need to identify and resist, he warned, will appear as
- unrestrained capitalist greed; as
- authoritarianism seeking to weaken democratic norms; as
- callous environmental degradation; as a
- superficial Christian moralism seeking to fuse church and state; and as a
- petty âsanctimonious nationalism.âÂ
In the poignant final paragraph of his essay, Eliot confesses that the churning political surprises of the 1930s had left him shaken, not only because of the events themselves, but in the revelation of his own countryâs moral poverty. In the face of Britainâs failure to mount an adequate response to modern pagan violence, Eliot felt a justified âhumiliationâ that demanded of him âpersonal contritionâ along with ârepentance, and amendment.â He felt âdeeply implicated and responsibleâ and began to question his countryâs frequent claims to moral authority. When Eliot enjoins his readers to fight against modern paganism, it is specifically because its brew of authoritarianism and capitalism were already beginning to charm Christian intellectuals who should know better. Eliotâs final sentences prick the conscience today:
We could not match conviction with conviction, we had no ideas with which we could either meet or oppose the ideas opposed to us. Was our society, which had always been so assured of its superiority and rectitude, so confident of its unexamined premises, assembled round anything more permanent than a congeries of banks, insurance companies and industries, and had it any beliefs more essential than a belief in compound interest and the maintenance of dividends? Such thoughts as these formed the starting point, and must remain the excuse, for saying what I have to say.
The paganism we should fear is not secularism, sacred immanence, or pantheist naturalism. It is power celebrating its violence, perceiving the world empty of everything save the contest of will.But there was at least one other account of paganism in the pages of First Things as Trump campaigned for the presidencyâthis time from Matthew Schmitz, an editor at the magazine. Over the summer of 2016, Schmitz displayed an admirable prescience while Christian conservatives were still hesitating to endorse the eventual Republican nominee. The âfaith taught by Christ,â he wrote, âis a religion of losers. To the weak and humble, it offers a stripped and humiliated Lord.⊠In Trump, it [Christian faith] has curdled into pagan disdain.â
Schmitzâs analyses from April and August of 2016 really must be considered at length, given where they were published. Take this representative passage:
At a campaign event in Iowa, Trump shocked the audience by saying that he had never asked God for forgiveness. All his other disturbing statementsâhis attacks on every vulnerable groupâare made intelligible by this oneâŠ. Human frailty, dependency, and sinfulness cannot be acknowledged; they must be overcome. This opens up the possibility of great cruelty toward those who cannot wish themselves into being winners. A man who need not ask forgiveness need never forgive others. He does not realize his own weakness, and so he mocks and reviles every sign of weakness in his Âfellow men.
And hereâs another:
In his contempt for losers, he [Trump] embodies one of the most unchristian ideals ever advanced in American politics. With a unique consistency and vehemence, he expresses his hatred of weakness. He ridicules the disabled, attacks women, and defends abortionists. This is the opposite of Christianity, which puts the weak first and exalts every loserâŠ. Liberalism, much as I hate it, has preserved this Christian inheritance. The GOP before Trump, despite all its contempt for the 47 percent, was leavened by the influence of sincere Christians and so was never so sneering. Trump is an altogether more pagan figure.
By 2019, however, in the wake of the midterm battles over immigration and the mythic âcaravanâ of refugees at the southern border, Schmitz joined others to cheer on the ânew nationalismâ that Trump promoted at his rallies. Within a few months, Schmitz had decided that Christianity and liberalism could never be reconciled, since modern societyâwait for itâhad become paganized. âThe Church,â he now saw, âis at odds with an increasingly pagan culture.â
If there was an ancient paganism of sacred immanence, it was soon outstripped by the more radical immanence of Christians in their claims of an Incarnation, a Resurrection, and above all the enduring food of the Eucharist. In every Mass the priest washes his hands in imitation of the pagan Pilate, but now as an act of humility and celebration. The Catholic repeats as her own the words of the pagan centurionâLord, I am not worthyâbut now as an intimate prayer on the threshold of Communion. That version of paganism was overtaken and dissolved from within by the Christian sacralization of the body.
But there is another paganism that has survived into the present, and has emerged so vividly in contemporary politics that even First Things in 2016 could not miss it. This is not the paganism of immanence, but the paganism of cruelty and violence. It mocks the vulnerable, reviles the weak, and gains strength through hatred. We donât have to look too far to discover the âpostmodern paganismâ threatening American Christianity today.Â
Last summer the Trump administration argued in court that more than two thousand migrant and refugee children should be separated from their parents, concentrated in crude detention camps with minimal supervision, and locked in chilled rooms with the lights left on all night. The administration has yet to condemn the petty cruelty of some camp guards and instead has mused that such violence might be politically useful. Hundreds of children as young as two are deliberately denied diapers, soap, and toothbrushes for months at a time to punish their parents. Community donations of the same are turned away. Young women are denied tampons. Young children are denied inexpensive flu vaccines, and if they contract a terminal cancer, they are deported without medical care. Chickenpox and shingles are common. Federal contractors win upwards of $700 per day for each imprisoned child. Seven children have died in custody to date, and many more have been hospitalized. Doctors worry they cannot serve in the camps without violating the Hippocratic oath. The camps themselves were continued from the Obama administration, but the withdrawal of basic necessities is Trumpâs innovation. What is this if not the very paganism conservatives decry?
This modern paganism ultimately means the nihilistic exercise of power for its own sake, especially power over weak and vulnerable bodies. In its purest form, it is expressed as conspicuous cruelty, both to render oneâs power maximally visible and to increase that power by engendering fear. The cruelty is the point. This is the joyful paganism that Nietzsche sought to revive as the Wille zur Macht, retrieving from ancient Rome the glorious pleasure in cruelty that rewards the strong who exercise their strength. This is the reason Italian fascist Julius Evola hated Christianity for its compassion for the poor and weak.
We find this paganism exposed in the ancient world as well, in the Athenian mockery and massacre of the Melians in Thucydidesâs History of the Peloponnesian War, in Thrasymachusâs authoritarian attacks on Socrates in Platoâs Republic, or in Augustineâs shrewd deconstruction of imperial power in The City of God against the Pagans. John Milbank calls this Nietzschean worldview an ontology of eternal violence opposed to an Augustinian counter-ontology of eternal peace. As Schmitz himself suggests, the perfect example of pagan disdain for vulnerability and conspicuous cruelty is the Roman practice of public crucifixion. Pagan is to Christian not as immanent is to transcendent, but as Rome is to the Crucifiedâa cruel empire to its tortured victims.
But modern paganism can also assume subtler forms, whenever the common good is reduced to ruthless economic competition, confirming Eliotâs fears that we have no values more essential than our âbelief in compound interest and the maintenance of dividends.â The paganism we should fear is not secularism, sacred immanence, or pantheist naturalism. It is power celebrating its violence, perceiving the world empty of everything save the contest of wills, a nihilism ruled by the libido dominandi.
This paganism views moral responsibility as a foolâs errand for the weak, since all that matters is to dominate or be dominated. It sacralizes the emperor as an agent of God, scorns truth, despises the weak, and tortures the vulnerable. And it cloaks its nihilism, to cite Eliot once again, in âa disguised and peculiarly sanctimonious nationalism, accelerating our progress toward the paganism which we say we abhor.â
If Trump Goes Down, Heâs Taking Everyone With Him
The impeachment inquiry is laying him bare. Itâs not a pretty sight.
I was based in Washington and reported from Capitol Hill during Bill Clintonâs impeachment, which was the last time the country entered waters like these. It was ugly, and Democrats and Republicans traded vicious words.
But Clinton never publicly accused his detractors of treason or floated the idea that one of them be arrested on those grounds, as Donald Trump just did with Adam Schiff.
Clinton and his defenders raised the specter of a âvast right-wing conspiracy,â to use Hillary Clintonâs infamous phrase, thus asserting that he was being persecuted for his politics, not punished for his misdeeds.
But they didnât insist, as Trump and his defenders routinely do, that a vital part of the federal government was an evil cabal intent on undermining our democratic processes, which is Trumpâs self-serving characterization of the intelligence community. Their central strategy wasnât to ignite a full-blown crisis of confidence in the institutions of government. They werenât serving dire notice, as Trump essentially is, that if the president goes down, heâs taking everyone and everything else with him.
The Clintons possessed and projected a moral arrogance that was laughably oxymoronic under the circumstances. And they and other prominent Democrats junked the partyâs supposed concern for womenâs empowerment to savage Monica Lewinsky, Paula Jones and others who came forward with claims about the presidentâs extramarital sexual activity, including serious accusations of sexual violence.
But they didnât equate the potential fall of the president with the fall of the Republic. They didnât go full apocalypse. Bill Clinton didnât prophesy that his impeachment would lead to a kind of âcivil warâ from which the country would ânever heal,â as Trump did by tweeting an evangelical pastorâs comments on Fox News along those lines.
I wrote last week that the prospect of Trumpâs impeachment terrified me, and one of the main reasons I cited was what weâre seeing now: his histrionic response, which is untethered from any sense of honor, civic concern or real patriotism.
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Heâs not like most of his predecessors in the White House, who had some limits, at least a few scruples and the capacity to feel shame. Their self-pity wasnât this unfathomably deep, their delusions of martyrdom this insanely grand. âThere has been no President in the history of our Country who has been treated so badly as I have,â he tweeted last week, and the violins have wailed only louder and weepier since.
While there were fellow narcissists among his forebears, was there a single nihilist like Trump? I doubt it, and so the current waters are in fact uncharted, because the ship of state has a sort of madman at its helm.That heâs fighting back by impugning his criticsâ motives, stonewalling investigators and carping about the media shouldnât disturb anyone, not if weâre being grown-ups. Richard Nixon, confronted with his impeachment, thrashed and seethed. Clinton assembled a war room in an effort to outwit his adversaries. Thatâs the nature of politics. Thatâs the right of the accused.
But in the mere week since a formal impeachment inquiry was announced, Trump has already gone much farther than that and behaved in ways that explode precedent, offend decency and boggle the mind. Weâre fools if we donât brace for more and worse.
For grotesque example, he has suggested â repeatedly â that government officials who tattled about his crooked conversation with the Ukrainian president are spies who deserve to be executed. Had any other president done that, many Americans would speak of nothing else for the next month.
But from Trump, such a horror wasnât even surprising, and it competed for attention with so many other outrages that it was dulled, the way so much of his unconscionable behavior is. When you churn out a disgrace a minute and no one expects anything nobler, youâre inoculated by your own awfulness.
He has taken his vilification of the media to new depths, content on this front, as on others, to pump Americans full of a toxic cynicism so long as he profits from it. He and his handmaidens have disseminated distortion after distortion, lie upon lie, including the claim that deep-state officials tweaked the criteria for whistle-blowers just so that someone could ensnare him.
They have instructed Americans not to believe their own eyes, their own ears, their own intelligence. They mean to put truth itself up for grabs, no matter the fallout.
Lindsey Graham, the sycophant of the century, called the whistle-blowerâs complaint a setup, as if it didnât rest on the sturdy foundation of a reconstructed transcript â released by the White House â that shows Trump imploring a foreign leader to do political dirty work for him.
Trump keeps saying it was a âperfectâ call, which is like seeing Dom PĂ©rignon in a puddle of sewage. Then again, his presidency has long depended on such optical illusions.
Thereâs light, though, and itâs this: As corrosive as his tirades are, they may also be what does him in. Heâs poised to take this persecution complex too far.
Already, there has been a swell of support for impeachment, according to new polls released by CNN and Monmouth University, and I bet that trend continues as revelations of his wrongdoing cascade and as he wildly overreacts.
That probably wouldnât be enough to get Republican senators to convict him and remove him from office, should the House follow through with impeachment and a Senate trial ensue. But it would affect November 2020.
Heâs in a bind, because his burn-down-the-house defense against impeachment makes the best case that he must be impeached â that a leader with no bounds and no bottom canât be allowed to rage on unimpeded. The impeachment inquiry is laying Trump bare. As scary as that is for us, it may be even scarier for him.