The Scene That Took Leave It to Beaver off the Air

Are you a fan of the classic sitcom Leave it to Beaver? The show had an innocence that we never see from modern sitcoms. Generations bold young and old love the idyllic American life that Leave it to Beaver portrayed.

One wouldn’t think of Leave it to Beaver as being a stylistically unique show, however. It didn’t take experiments with its style of storytelling. That is, until the final episode. The final episode had a scene that was incredibly unusual for the time period. This scene also confirmed to the audience that Leave it to Beaver was going to get taken off air. In many ways, Leave it to Beaver wasn’t afraid to take risks like other shows. While it may seem wholesome and risk-averse, it was released at a time when television was beginning to experiment with edginess. For example, Leave it to Beaver remained in black and white at a time when color was growing in popularity. It took a lot of effort to transition to color and the producers felt it wasn’t worth it. Nevertheless, the show remained popular and is remembered as one of America’s best sitcoms. But what really made Leave it to Beaver such a groundbreaking show is that it was told from the child’s point of view. Many other popular shows focused on adults and lived entirely in the adult world. Leave it to Beaver showed the innocence and sweetness of childhood in America. As we look back on reruns of Leave it to Beaver, we should appreciate the incredible talents of the cast and crew who brought the show to life. We must remember the impact it had on America in the 1950s and 1960s and why today, there’s still so much to learn from the troublesome Beaver Cleaver! Watch this video to learn more about the scene that took Leave it to Beaver off the air. Learn about how the show came to be, why it was so special, and its enduring legacy.

 

Impeachment Hearing not like C-SPAN

we got we got to sit down in the front
04:56
row there were three empty seats are my
04:58
sister and my friend and I we were all
05:00
there and we sat there for four or five
05:02
hours watching the debate and in the
05:05
vote and I’m telling you it’s not like
it is on c-span
these fan is such a you know
two-dimensional flattens everything out
very strictly framed you don’t get the
peripheral vision on c-span one of the
05:19
things I tell my crew and I if I if I’m
05:23
allowed to when I’m invited to the film
05:25
schools to talk to students I always
05:27
tell them that you’re gonna find more
05:29
truth in the peripheral hmm then in the
05:32
in the spot-on because in the spot-on
05:34
you’re getting the official story you’re
05:37
getting me you know whatever it is they
05:40
want you to report but what’s going on
05:42
over here what’s going on around you if
05:44
you have a sense of trying to pay
05:46
attention to that you’ll find these
05:47
things that that you’ll never see in a
05:50
documentary or in a movie or on the
05:52
nightly news and so what I saw from that
05:57
front row of the gallery last Wednesday
05:59
was both a bit exhilarating and
06:04
frightening exhilarating in the sense
06:06
that you could see that on the
06:08
Democratic side that they many of them
06:11
had found the courage of their
06:13
convictions had found their their soul
06:15
their guts to stand up for this even
06:18
though the polls show it’s kind of a
06:21
50/50 in the country on impeachment a
06:23
little more in favor of it but
06:26
nonetheless a risky proposition
06:28
especially for a number of Democrats in
06:30
swing districts the fact that they would
06:32
take that stand in such a profound way
29:13
electoral states remember Hillary only
29:14
lost Michigan by two votes per precinct
29:18
that’s it and it’s not because lunch
29:20
bucket Joe stayed home you know or voted
29:24
for Trump it’s it’s because the the when
29:28
they talk about the working-class Amy I
29:29
just accessorize me crazy oh you know
29:31
Trump won all these working-class votes
29:32
in Michigan in Pennsylvania no what
29:35
happened was is that the Democratic
29:36
Party didn’t stand up in the way that
29:40
they should have for what the youth
29:41
wanted for what people of color needed
and and the the there are 90,000 people
in Michigan almost 90,000 who went to
the polls mostly Democrats and very
large numbers of them in Detroit Flint
Pontiac Saginaw all these are all black
cities majority black they stood in line
in the cold for two to three hours to
vote they went in there and they voted
for state Rep state Senate County
Commission we don’t have dogcatcher we
have drain commissioner the person in
charge of the sewage that’s the lowest
name on the ballot
they stood there they voted for the
Democrats all down ballot and left the
top box blank 19th only lost Michigan by
10 11 thousand votes 90,000
wanted to send a message to the
Democratic Party you forgot us a long
time ago out here and we will not put up
with us anymore we’re not gonna vote for
Trump but we’re not gonna we’re not
30:36
going to tolerate you sending us another
30:38
Republican White Democrat if we go that
30:42
route if we go that route it’s
30:44
guaranteed we will lose the electoral
30:46
college we will win when we put somebody
30:48
on that ballot that excites the base
30:51
women people of color young people when
30:55
they wake up that morning they feel the
30:56
way that many of us many of you watching
30:57
felt the morning that you were gonna in
30:59
2008 and you were gonna get to go and
31:01
vote for Barack Obama and you couldn’t

The Nihilist in Chief

How our president and our mass shooters are connected to the same dark psychic forces.

What links Donald Trump to the men who massacred innocents in El Paso and Dayton this past weekend? Note that I said both men: the one with the white-nationalist manifesto and the one with some kind of atheist-socialist politics; the one whose ranting about a “Hispanic invasion” echoed Trump’s own rhetoric and the one who was anti-Trump and also apparently the lead singer in a “pornogrind” band.

Bringing up their differing worldviews can be a way for Trump-supporting or anti-anti-Trump conservatives to diminish or dismiss the president’s connection to these shootings. That’s not what I’m doing. I think Trump is deeply connected to what happened last weekend, deeply connected to both massacres. Not because his immigration rhetoric drove the El Paso shooter to mass murder in some direct and simple way; life and radicalism and violence are all more complicated than that. But because Trump participates in the general cultural miasma that generates mass shooters, and having a participant as president makes the problem worse.

The president’s bigoted rhetoric is obviously part of this. Marianne Williamson put it best, in the last Democratic debate: There really is a dark psychic force generated by Trump’s political approach, which from its birther beginnings has consistently encouraged and fed on a fevered and paranoid form of right-wing politics, and dissolved quarantines around toxic and dehumanizing ideas. And the possibility that Trump’s zest for demonization can feed a demonic element in the wider culture is something the many religious people who voted for the president should be especially willing to consider.

But the connection between the president and the young men with guns extends beyond Trump’s race-baiting to encompass a more essential feature of his public self — which is not the rhetoric or ideology that he deploys, but the obvious moral vacuum, the profound spiritual black hole, that lies beneath his persona and career.

Here I would dissent, mildly, from the desire to tell a mostly ideological story in the aftermath of El Paso, and declare war on “white nationalism” — a war the left wants because it has decided that all conservatism can be reduced to white supremacy, and the right wants as a way of rebutting and rejecting that reductionism.

By all means disable 8Chan and give the F.B.I. new marching orders; by all means condemn racism more vigorously than this compromised president can do. But recognize we’re dealing with a pattern of mass shootings, encompassing both the weekend’s horrors, where the personal commonalities between the shooters are clearly more important than the political ones. Which suggests that the white nationalism of internet failsons is like the allegiance to an imaginary caliphate that motivated the terrorists whose depredations helped get Trump elected in the first place. It’s often just a carapace, a flag of convenience, a performance for the vast TV-and-online audience that now attends these grisly spectacles, with a malignant narcissism and nihilism underneath.

And this is what really links Trump to all these empty male killers, white nationalists and pornogrind singers alike. Like them he is a creature of our late-modern anti-culture, our internet-accelerated dissolution of normal human bonds. Like them he plainly believes in nothing but his ego, his vanity, his sense of spite and grievance, and the self he sees reflected in the mirror of television, mass media, online.

Because he is rich and famous and powerful, he can get that attention with a tweet about his enemies, and then experience the rush of a cable-news segment about him. He doesn’t need to plot some great crime to lead the news; he just has to run for president. But having him as president — having him as a political exemplar for his party, and a cultural exemplar of manhood for his supporters and opponents both — is a constant ratification of the idea that we exist as celebrities or influencers or we don’t exist at all, and that our common life is essentially a form of reality television where it doesn’t matter if you’re the heel or hero so long as you’re the star.

One recurring question taken up in this column is whether something good might come out of the Trump era. I keep returning to this issue because unlike many conservatives who opposed him in 2016, I actually agree with, or am sympathetic toward, versions of ideas that Trump has championed — the idea of a

  • more populist and worker-friendly conservative economics, the idea of a
  • foreign policy with a more realpolitik and anti-interventionist spirit, the idea that
  • decelerating low-skilled immigration would benefit the common good, the idea that
  • our meritocratic, faux-cosmopolitan elite has badly misgoverned the republic.

But to take this view, and to reject the liberal claim that any adaptation to populism only does the devil’s work, imposes a special obligation to recognize the profound emptiness at the heart of Trump himself. It’s not as if you could carve away his race-baiting and discover a healthier populism instead, or analyze him the way you might analyze his more complex antecedents, a Richard Nixon or a Ross Perot. To analyze Trump is to discover only bottomless appetite and need, and to carve at him is like carving at an online troll: The only thing to discover is the void.

So in trying to construct a new conservatism on the ideological outline of Trumpism, you have to be aware that you’re building around a sinkhole and that your building might fall in.

The same goes for any conservative response to the specific riddle of mass shootings. Cultural conservatives get a lot of grief when they respond to these massacres by citing moral and spiritual issues, rather than leaping straight to gun policy (or in this case, racist ideology). But to look at the trend in these massacres, the spikes of narcissistic acting-out in a time of generally-declining violence, the shared bravado and nihilism driving shooters of many different ideological persuasions, is to necessarily encounter a moral and spiritual problem, not just a technocratic one.

But the dilemma that conservatives have to confront is that you can chase this cultural problem all the way down to its source in lonely egomania and alienated narcissism, and you’ll still find Donald Trump’s face staring back to you.

‘Game of Thrones’ was an imperfect show that was perfect for its era

In the beginning, it could have been mistaken for a conventional fairy tale about a virtuous man battling the corruption in his kingdom — until Ned Stark (Sean Bean) lost his head.

.. Characters shifted from victims to protagonists to antiheroes in a way that gave some viewers whiplash, a dynamic that came to a head when Daenerys Targaryen (Emilia Clarke) and her dragon burned a city in the show’s penultimate episode. “Game of Thrones” was a show about trauma and the consequences of treating women as sexual objects — yet the series had a bad tendency to ogle bits and pieces of minor female characters rather than treat them as people.

..Whether you think “Game of Thrones” was a success or a failure largely depends on what you thought the show was trying to do.

.. “Game of Thrones” debuted in 2011, at an inflection point for American television and American politics. Later-stage Golden Age antihero dramas such as “Mad Men” and “Breaking Bad were heading toward their conclusions and the idea of Republican “war on women” was taking hold on the left. During the series’ run, Hillary Clinton suffered a shocking loss to Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election; white nationalism surged back into public life; the #MeToo movement exposed the prevalence and impact of sexual violence; climate change took on a new and apocalyptic urgency; and a spike in television production splintered the water-cooler conversation possibly beyond repair.

As a result, “Game of Thrones” took on a prismatic quality. Turn it one way and the series was an argument that trauma gave its female characters moral authority; shift it just slightly, and the show suggested that they couldn’t transcend the damage that had been inflicted on them

..  The White Walkers, the show’s uber-supernatural villains, stood in for the perils of climate change — until they were vanquished with a single blow. The slaves Daenerys liberated in the early seasons of the show were props in a white-savior narrative until they were invoked as proof that she would never break bad. The show’s cultural footprint suggested that rolling out a television show week by week was still the best way to create community around art. Or its viewership numbers, modest by historical standards, could be evidence for an argument that our culture has fragmented beyond repair.

.. And our struggles to figure out whether men such as Jaime Lannister (Nikolaj Coster-Waldau) deserve forgiveness for their past bad acts are a lower-stakes version of the questions raised by the early stages of our national reckoning with sexual assault.

.. Another version of “Game of Thrones” might have offered more decisive arguments about the subjects it raised, or avoided ogling and other artistic pitfalls. That show might have become a cult favorite, but without its intellectual ambiguities and spots of bad taste, it never would have become a phenomenon. “Game of Thrones” caught viewers by surprise when it eliminated its supernatural Big Bad so early in its final season and left the characters to work out their messy, entirely human differences. When the credits roll on Sunday, “Game of Thrones” will leave viewers with the same challenge: tackling some of the hardest problems before us without a unifying magical distraction.