Evangelical Leaders Are Frustrated at G.O.P. Caution on Kavanaugh Allegation

Worried their chance to cement a conservative majority on the Supreme Court could slip away, a growing number of evangelical and anti-abortion leaders are expressing frustration that Senate Republicans and the White House are not protecting Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh more forcefully from a sexual assault allegation and warning that conservative voters may stay home in November if his nomination falls apart.

Several of these leaders, including ones with close ties to the White House and Senate Republicans, are urging Republicans to move forward with a confirmation vote imminently unless the woman who accused Judge Kavanaugh of sexual assault, Christine Blasey Ford, agrees to share her story with the Senate Judiciary Committee within the next few days.

The evangelical leaders’ pleas are, in part, an attempt to apply political pressure: Some of them are warning that religious conservatives may feel little motivation to vote in the midterm elections unless Senate Republicans move the nomination out of committee soon and do more to defend Judge Kavanaugh from what they say is a desperate Democratic ploy to prevent President Trump from filling future court vacancies.

One of the political costs of failing to confirm Brett Kavanaugh is likely the loss of the United States Senate,” said Ralph Reed, the founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition who is in frequent contact with the White House.

“If Republicans were to fail to defend and confirm such an obviously and eminently qualified and decent nominee,” Mr. Reed added, “then it will be very difficult to motivate and energize faith-based and conservative voters in November.”

The evangelist Franklin Graham, one of Mr. Trump’s most unwavering defenders, told the Christian Broadcasting Network this week, “I hope the Senate is smarter than this, and they’re not going to let this stop the process from moving forward and confirming this man.”

Social conservatives are already envisioning a worst-case scenario related to Judge Kavanaugh, and they say it is not a remote one. Republican promises to shift the Supreme Court further to the right — which just a few days ago seemed like a fait accompli — have been one of the major reasons conservatives say they are willing to tolerate an otherwise dysfunctional Republican-controlled government. If Judge Kavanaugh’s nomination fails, and recent political history is any guide, voters will most likely point the finger not at Mr. Trump but at Republican lawmakers.

.. The reason the prospect of Judge Kavanaugh’s defeat is so alarming to conservatives is that they fear he could be the last shot at reshaping the nation’s highest court for years. If Republicans were to lose control of the Senate, where they hold a 51-to-49 majority, in November, Mr. Trump would find it difficult to get anyone confirmed before the end of the year. Even if Senate leaders were able to schedule hearings and hold a vote, there could be defections from Republican senators uneasy about using a lame duck session to ram through a lifetime appointment that would tip the court’s ideological balance.

.. Robert Jeffress, pastor of First Baptist Dallas and one of Mr. Trump’s most vocal evangelical supporters, said he did not know who was telling the truth, Judge Kavanaugh or Dr. Blasey. “But I can say with absolute certainty,” he added, “that the Democrats don’t care who is telling the truth. Their only interest is in delaying and derailing this confirmation.”

.. The importance of the Supreme Court to the Trump White House and the Republican Party is difficult to overstate. Mr. Trump has heralded Justice Neil M. Gorsuch and Judge Kavanaugh, his two Supreme Court nominees, as crowning achievements in an otherwise uneven presidency.

.. Conservative groups have spent tens of millions of dollars building the men up as legal luminaries, gentleman scholars and the fulfillment of Mr. Trump’s campaign promise to nominate judges who have “a record of applying the Constitution just as it was written,”

.. A relatively smooth, predictable confirmation fight has also been a key part of Republicans’ strategy to keep the Senate. In the 10 states that Mr. Trump won where Democratic senators are up for re-election, Republicans have attacked Democrats for either opposing the judge or remaining noncommittal.

.. some are also arguing that they cannot be indifferent and insensitive to a victim.

.. But many conservatives see little use in being deferential when, they argue, the Democrats play by no such rules. They look back at the failed confirmation of the Republican nominee Robert Bork in 1987, whose writings on civil rights were picked over by Democrats, and the 1991 hearings for Clarence Thomas, who faced testimony from Anita Hill that he had sexually harassed her, and they see a sophisticated and ruthless Democratic machine bent on discrediting their nominees.

.. “Republicans are right, as a moral matter as well as a political matter, to take allegations of misbehavior like this seriously,” said Frank Cannon, president of the American Principles Project and a veteran social conservative strategist. “At the same time, we’ve seen anything and everything thrown at Republican Supreme Court nominees for decades,” he added, noting that Republicans have been slow to understand that Democrats are “playing by different rules.”

.. Privately, some conservatives were thrilled that Dr. Blasey and her lawyer have resisted the opportunity to testify in the Senate on Monday and demanded instead that the F.B.I. first investigate her claims. That would be just enough, they said, to give Republicans the justification for moving forward without her. The Republican chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, made clear on Wednesday that he would not postpone a hearing past Monday.

.. sets up a fight that Republicans could win in the Senate but might ultimately lose at the ballot box in November. The level of outrage could run so hot among Democrats, who would likely use every procedural and political tool at their disposal to delay confirmation, that it could provide even more fuel to an already energized liberal base.

.. “Given the confirmation theatrics, followed by this allegation that was held until the last moment, this could be seen as another partisan attack and could actually fuel conservative turnout,” said Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council.

.. Conservatives are likely to use protests and other forms of resistance to Judge Kavanaugh as a way to clarify for unmotivated Republican voters what Democratic control of the Senate means: a Trump-nominated Supreme Court justice would never be confirmed again.

“If Chuck Schumer is majority leader and Dianne Feinstein is chairman of the Judiciary Committee,” said Mr. Reed of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, “it will be open season on any Trump nominee to the federal bench at any level of the judiciary.”

Janet Yellen’s Uneasy New Role: Defending the Fed From Historic Political Pressure

Over two days, the Fed chairwoman spoke with five Republicans, some of whom she had never met privately since taking over at the central bank, according to her public calendar. She stuck to a script she had delivered many times, said a person familiar with the calls: The bill could allow politicians to interfere with Fed policy; academic studies show countries with independent central banks have lower inflation; the Fed is already audited.

 Ms. Yellen didn’t persuade them. Though the Senate voted not to move forward with the bill—a relief for the Fed—only one of the chamber’s 54 Republicans voted in the Fed’s favor.
..The person leading the institution isn’t a politician—she’s a macroeconomist who spent most of her career at the Fed and in academia. Yet the task ahead of her, now that Donald Trump is president, might require a different set of skills. The new president thrust Ms. Yellen and the Fed onto the national political stage by criticizing them sharply during the campaign, and his election raised expectations that GOP bills to rein in the central bank could become law.
The president has also said he would probably find a replacement when Ms. Yellen’s term is up in February 2018, which means he would likely nominate a successor by late summer, rendering her a lame duck.
..Ideas include requiring the Fed to establish a mathematical formula to guide interest-rate policy, limiting its emergency-lending powers and forcing the central bank to return billions of dollars banks paid to be members of the Fed system. The phenomenon is apparent outside the U.S., too, with central banks from Japan to the U.K. grappling with skepticism of their efforts to boost their economies.
..The financial crisis, however, battered the Fed’s credibility. Many lawmakers and some economists want more information about how the central bank operates and what it may do in the future.
..Though Mr. Trump hasn’t said whether he would support the measures, his campaign remarks—such as accusing Ms. Yellen of keeping rates low to help Democrats—suggest he has no qualms about criticizing Fed policy or its leadership, a departure from the recent tradition of presidents staying mum on such issues.
.. Former Chairman Alan Greenspan, who scheduled his own breakfasts with members of Congress, had extensive relationships in Washington when he became chairman and often operated as a one-man congressional-relations shop.
His successor, Ben Bernanke came from academia, but developed a rapport with members on both sides of the aisle during the crisis. Those relationships later helped him beat back legislative efforts to strip the Fed of its powers to supervise banks.
.. She has met two dozen times with members of Congress since November 2015, either hosting them for breakfast or lunch in a private dining room at the Fed or shuttling to meetings on Capitol Hill, in addition to logging more than a dozen phone calls.
..More typical is what happened when Congress considered tapping the Fed to help pay for federal highway programs. Ms. Yellen warned it could set a dangerous precedent. Congress took even more money from the Fed than initially proposed, including $19.3 billion from its capital account.