Steve Schmidt served as a political strategist for George W. Bush and the John McCain presidential campaign. He is a political analyst for MSNBC and NBC News.
Schmidt’s candid, full interview was conducted with FRONTLINE during the making of the two-part January 2020 documentary series “America’s Great Divide: From Obama to Trump.”
Watch Part One here: https://youtu.be/SnMBYMOTwEs
And Part Two here: https://youtu.be/l5vyDPN19ww
50:57And so when you see Donald Trump and you see the servility of the coequal branch of government,51:05the absolute unwillingness to confront him, to confront his excesses, his dishonesty, his degradations of the office,51:14his attacks on the institutions, is an utter, complete, total abdication of a responsibility and duty that’s historic.51:26… The “zero tolerance” policy, the family separation issue, you’ve written a little bit about this, I think.51:34What’s at stake here?51:37I think you sort of pointed to the fact that this was an important point to understand,51:42that Trump basically owned the GOP at this point.51:45Explain—explain what you’re thinking.51:46This is a question of national honor.51:49The United States of America should not separate mothers and children51:55and lock the children into cages, into detention facilities.52:00Should not.52:02And it recalls the worst excesses in American history: the separation of African American mothers and children52:11during slavery; the separation of mothers and children who were Native Americans.52:20We have had great injustice in the country,52:26but the greatness of the country is the ability to make great progress combating it.52:31It’s wrong.52:32When you see a government official with an American flag on their shoulder committing that act, it’s disgraceful,52:45it’s dishonorable, it’s cruel, and it’s inhumane.52:51But we have become desensitized in this era of Trump to cruelty, to inhumanity, to indecency, to dishonesty,53:03to all of our great detriment.53:06Why did you leave the party?53:08Because the Republican Party—well, I’ll say this.53:14I think the Republican Party and the Democratic Party are both broken institutions, the Republican Party more so.53:24But while broken, they also are two of the most important institutions in world history53:32for the advancement of human dignity and freedom despite all of their flaws.53:38For me, I could no longer be a member of a political party that was so corrupted by Donald Trump53:47that he consumed lock, stock and barrel, and the leadership of the political party fundamentally capitulated to him.53:59The Republican Party’s not a conservative party anymore.54:02It’s a party that’s populist, that’s nonsensical at times, that’s illiberal a lot of the time.54:12And all of the things that I’ve believed in and have steadily believed in, I still believe in,54:20but that institution is no longer the vessel for them.54:25… The 2018 midterm elections.54:28So Trump uses the [Brett] Kavanaugh story and immigration as a way to excite the voters.54:37The media, Fox, stokes it, supports it totally.54:46There are a lot of lies that are told about exactly what’s going on.54:50What’s—what’s the result?54:53As a man who believes in the system and in politics and the way it needs to—how campaigns are run,55:01what was your view of what was taking place?55:04Well, there was only one issue in the 2018 election.55:07It wasn’t immigration; it wasn’t Brett Kavanaugh.55:10It was Donald Trump.55:11And the question before the nation in 2018 was, are we going to put a check on Donald Trump and the party of Trump?55:19And the answer to that question was a decisive yes.55:23And part of that decisive yes were millions and millions of Republican voters55:28who voted Democratic for the first time in their lives.55:31Right.55:32This election was also fascinating in the Democratic Party because there was a split within the Democratic Party as well.55:37And you’ve got progressives like AOC [Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez] and others who are—55:44who rise up and are elected and become very important voices and define the divide within the Democratic Party.55:52What’s going on within the Democratic Party, and in the end, how does it—how does it play out from your perspective?56:00Well, you’re seeing a rising extreme in the Democratic Party that is the mirror opposite56:10And I think Democrats make a big mistake if they answer Trumpism with dishonest progressivism.56:16If you go out and say that we’re going to give everybody free health care, free education;56:22give everybody reparations; … we can go and spend hundreds and hundreds of trillions of dollars—this is all fantasy.56:30And in a political contest dominated by dishonesty and fantasy—56:35and I would suggest that competing against Donald Trump is the equivalent of running a foot race against Usain Bolt.56:42Not going to win a dishonesty contest with Donald Trump.56:45And so in this moment, what Democrats, in my view, should be focused on is the assemblage of a grand coalition56:55that is fidelitous to small “L” liberalism, to our democratic values,57:01that Americans of all different types of political persuasion can come into and feel at home in.57:09The progressive agenda represented by AOC, a, won’t pass; b, doesn’t have a national constituency;57:21and c, could well be the reason that we see a second term for President Donald Trump.57:27You think that’s a real possibility?57:29Sure do.57:29Trump’s rhetoric has been blamed for rising tensions, white supremacists sort of being more blatant in their demands57:41and their marches and such, and it is tied directly to the El Paso massacre.57:47What is your overview on the power of rhetoric and the repetition of that rhetoric, especially if it’s based on falsities?57:58Well, Trump has debased his office; he’s debased the culture; he’s debased our political conversation,58:06and he’s done it thousands and thousands and thousands of times over the last three years.58:11He’s a racist; he’s a race baiter; he has worsened racial divisions in this country.58:18He has energized the white supremacist movement in the country,58:22and we know that’s true because the white supremacists thank him openly for doing so.58:29Now, we see a president who divides, who stokes, who incites, who appeals in almost every instance58:40not to the better angels but to the worst impulses,58:43the worst instincts and the basest, darkest aspects of American history and American life.58:51And what does this mean long term for your GOP, your party that you used to belong to?58:58Well, the Republican Party will be completely transformed, probably fatally, by its contact with Donald Trump.59:08And that may play out over five years, over 10 years.59:13But when you look at the demographics in the country, there will always be a market for a conservative message.59:21But Trumpism is cancerous, and everything it touches will ultimately be consumed by it.59:30But far more important than the effect of the Republican Party is the effect on the country.59:38It weakens American democracy.59:42And I think it’s also important to understand that the Democratic Party will not remain untouched by Trumpism also.59:52How so?59:53Well, if crudity, if meanness, if vulgarity, if inhumanity become mainstreamed,60:02if the lesson of this generation of progressive politicians is to be like Trump but with different policies,60:11then the Democratic Party will be consumed by it as the Republican Party has.60:16The—both sides coming up to the upcoming elections warn about apocalypse.60:26The consequences if the other side wins are just unfathomable.60:32Is this the new norm?60:35Each election has always been the most important election in American history,60:41and the men and women running for president have always made it clear that their candidacy represents60:48the decisive moment and the last chance to avoid the apocalypse.60:56It may be true in this election.60:58This country will be changed in ways that will be difficult to unmake if Donald Trump gets a second term. …61:10Donald Trump is cruel, vile; he’s debased his office; he’s incompetent.61:17But it’s a mistake to dismiss him as inconsequential.61:21We are at the end of the long life spans of the people who stormed the beaches in Normandy,61:28who survived the death camps.61:30And what Franklin Roosevelt’s goal when he envisioned the world that we live in today,61:35when he architected the post-World War II U.S.-led liberal global order that was maintained61:43from President Truman through President Obama, his aspiration wasn’t that it would endure forever.61:51What he said is he wanted it to endure so long as every person61:57who was living in the country during the war was alive on the earth.62:04We’re at the end of that era.62:06And we see Donald Trump unraveling that U.S.-led liberal global order.62:13We see a regression of democracy all over the world.62:17We have an illiberal president who assaults our institutions, our values, our democracy, who debases our culture.62:29Another term for Donald Trump will validate his election; it will validate his behavior.62:36He will be unchecked, and the damage will be much, much harder to undo if it can ever be undone.62:44So we’ve talked about two presidents that were change candidates,62:51that the public turned to because they were so angry with the status quo in Washington and in the country.62:59What did we learn from that, and where do we go from here?63:07Another change candidate but in another direction?63:12I mean, as [David] Axelrod says, you always go to the opposite on the next election63:19because the people are tired of what the last guy did.63:22What’s your take on American politics and where we go from here?63:29The Democratic Party’s obligation in this election is to produce a political leader who can defeat Donald Trump63:40and to defeat Trumpism, not to defeat Trump by being a mirror of Trump, but to assemble a coalition63:49that can inspire the nation to move past this depraved era63:54and to face the challenges that the country has to face full-on, head-on.64:00And so when we look at the Democratic Party right now, it’s no accident that Trump is labeling Democrats,64:07and some of those Democratic politicians are making it easy for them when he calls them socialists,64:12because Trump understands this: In America, the socialist loses to a sociopath in every election,64:21every day of the week, and twice on Sunday.64:25I just have one question about Trump’s use of social media.64:30Some have said he’s the first politician to ever do that,64:34but it seems that Sarah Palin was really pretty instrumental in using Facebook as a way to reach her audience.64:39Can you just connect those two ideas?64:42Well, I don’t—look, I don’t think they’re analogous.64:51IPhones were invented in 2007, so the ubiquity of social media, the portability of social media, the instant nature65:03of social media is something that didn’t exist in 2008 but certainly does now, and he uses it to great effect.65:12… One other small thing is the use of divisive issues that he—that he falls back on, like the NFL.65:24How powerful is that, and why does he do it?65:30Well, Trump understands—Trump understands the power of symbols,65:38and he understands the emotional resonance of those symbols to millions and millions of Americans.65:46And so he is a—he is a very talented demagogue.65:55He is a very skilled liar.65:59He is an excellent communicator, and he speaks in a language that people can relate to and that people can understand.66:10That’s an important thing for his political opponents to understand also.66:14And this immigration issue, which is so central to—I mean, does it remain central in the upcoming elections?66:22I mean, why?66:24Does the potency wear off at some point?66:28Well, what you’re seeing now is a reciprocal extremism from a lot of the Democrats.66:34Now you watch the Democratic debates, it’s fair to ask, well, do you believe there should be a border at all?66:41And so most Americans, overwhelmingly, Republicans and Democrats, believe yes, there ought to be a sovereign border.66:50We should know who’s in the country.66:52And so there’s no constituency for the most extreme positions that you’re seeing on the Democratic side.66:59Trump understands that.67:01And so we have an immigration debate that’s not just venal; it’s completely detached from reality.67:08When the debate is we’re talking about Mexican-built walls,67:12we are sending military to the border in publicity-stunt exercises as if there was a Panzer division67:20about to break through the southern border en route to Washington.67:24It’s a theater of the absurd playing out as opposed to an issue that needs to be reckoned with67:31and dealt with in a humane, responsible and commonsensical way.
Is there anyone who wants to hang with Donald Trump?
He’s not wanted.
Not at funerals, though the Bush family, to show class and respect for tradition, held their noses and made an exception.
Not in England, where they turned him into a big, hideous blimp.
Not by moderate Republicans, or at least the shrinking club with a tenuous claim to that label, who pushed him away during the midterms as they fought for their survival and clung to their last shreds of self-respect.
And not by a 36-year-old Republican operative who is by most accounts the apotheosis of vanity and ambition — and who just turned down one of the most powerful roles in any administration, a job that welds you to the president’s side and gives you nearly unrivaled access to his thoughts.
Nick Ayers didn’t see enough upside to the welding. He could do without those thoughts. He said no to becoming Trump’s next chief of staff, and this wasn’t just the latest twist in “As The White House Turns.”
It was, really, the whole story — of a president who burns quickly through whatever good will he has, a president who represents infinitely more peril than promise, a president toward whom a shockingly small and diminishing number of people in Washington feel any real affection, a president more tolerated than respected, though even the tolerance wanes.
.. He’s forever fixated on how wanted he is (“My crowds!” “My ratings!”), but what’s more striking is how unwanted he is. And that’s not merely a function of the crests and dips that every president encounters. It’s not really about popularity at all.
.. It’s about how he behaves — and the predictable harvest of all that nastiness. While other presidents sought to hone the art of persuasion, he revels in his talent for repulsion: how many people he attacks (he styles this as boldness); how many people he offends (he pretties this up as authenticity); how many people he sends into exile.
.. Careerists who would normally pine for top jobs with a president assess his temper, behold his tweets, recall the mortifications of Jeff Sessions and Rex Tillerson, and run for the hills. Trump sits at the most coveted desk in the world, but almost no one wants to pull up a chair.
.. What happened with Ayers, who is finishing a stint as Mike Pence’s chief of staff, speaks pointedly to the president’s diminished state. Bear in mind that Trump had already started telling people that Ayers would succeed John Kelly as chief of staff, so Ayers’s decision was doubly humiliating. Bear in mind who Ayers is: not just any political climber but someone whose every breath is focused on his enhanced glory, a trait frequently mentioned by Republicans who have watched his rise (and who sense in him more than a bit of Trump).
They still groan and titter about the blast email that he sent out, unsolicited, after he signed on to manage Tim Pawlenty’s 2012 campaign for the Republican presidential nomination. It crowed about all the riches in the private sector that he was passing over. It hinted that his services had been sought by Pawlenty’s competitors: Sorry, guys. It assumed a broad, edge-of-seat audience for the minutiae of his mulling and maneuvering. In fact there were news stories that mockedthe self-aggrandizement of his announcement.
.. At most other times, under most other presidents, someone like Ayers would jump at chief of staff, no matter the job’s infamous rigors. It catapulted such political heavyweights as Dick Cheney, James Baker, Leon Panetta and Rahm Emanuel to greater recognition and relevance.
.. So Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump counted on Ayers’s interest and connived to shove Kelly out — he’ll leave by year’s end — so that they could shimmy Ayers in. They counted wrong. Ever clueless and oh so useless, they didn’t adequately factor in Trump’s toxicity, and the president now looks every bit as isolated as he is.
.. “Trump was left at the altar,”
.. Administration officials like Steven Mnuchin and Mick Mulvaney practically put out news releases to make clear that Trump shouldn’t ask them to be chief of staff. He has no Plan B, just B-list options like Matt Whitaker, the acting attorney general.
.. As leaders go, he has never been much of a magnet. He unequivocally romped in the Republican primaries, but since then? He got nearly 3 million fewer votes than Hillary Clinton did, a gap so remarkable that he had to claim a conspiracy of illegal voting to console himself. When he first filled his cabinet, he hardly had his pick of the litter.
Many top Republicans wanted no part of him. Some who did enter the administration agonized beforehand: Were they helping the country or indulging someone who didn’t deserve it?
When Barbara Bush died in April, it was clear to Trump that he shouldn’t travel to Texas to pay his respects. When John McCain died in August, Trump was told to skip the funeral.
The heads of countries that share America’s purported values (pre-Trump, at least) reproach and recoil from him. Prominent corporate leaders rebuke him, despite his administration’s business-friendly policies.
.. By one analysis of the midterms, the overall vote count for Democratic candidates for the House was 8.6 percentage points higher than for Republican candidates.
His wife takes public shots at him. Old friends tattle to prosecutors; new friends don’t exist. Talk about a twist: He sought the presidency, as so many others surely did, because it’s the ultimate validation. But it has given him his bitterest taste yet of rejection.
As long as I’ve covered politics, Republicans have been trying to scare me.
Sometimes, it has been about gays and transgender people and uppity women looming, but usually it has been about people with darker skin looming.
They’re coming, always coming, to take things and change things and hurt people.
A Democratic president coined the expression, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.” But it was Republicans who flipped the sentiment and turned it into a powerful and remorseless campaign ethos: Make voters fear fear itself.
The president has, after all, put a tremendous effort into the sulfurous stew of lies, racially charged rhetoric and scaremongering that he has been serving up as an election closer. He has been inspired to new depths of delusion, tweeting that “Republicans will totally protect people with Pre-Existing Conditions, Democrats will not! Vote Republican.”
He has been twinning the words “caravan” and “Kavanaugh” in a mellifluous poem to white male hegemony. Whites should be afraid of the migrant caravan traveling from Central America, especially since “unknown Middle Easterners” were hidden in its midst, an alternative fact that he cheerfully acknowledged was based on nothing.
The word “Kavanaugh” is meant to evoke the fear that aggrieved women will hurtle out of the past to tear down men from their rightful perches of privilege.
Naomi Wolf told Bill Clinton, and later Al Gore, they should present themselves as the Good Father, strong enough to protect the home (America) from invaders.
But an important group of NeverTrumpers identified with the right on a very specific set of issues — support for the 1990s-era free trade consensus, Wilsonian hawkishness, democracy promotion — that are unlikely to animate conservatism again any time soon no matter how the Trump presidency ends. These intellectuals and strategists aren’t particularly culturally conservative, they’re allergic to populism, they don’t have any reason to identify with a conservatism that’s wary of nation-building and globalization — and soon enough, they won’t.
.. Along with Rubin I’m thinking here of Max Boot, her fellow Post columnist and the author of a new book denouncing the Trump-era right, who self-defined as a conservative mostly because he favored a democratic imperialism of the kind that George W. Bush unsuccessfully promoted. I’m thinking of Evan McMullin, the third-party presidential candidate turned full-time anti-Trump activist, and certain Republican strategists from the Bush-McCain-Romney party, whose Twitter feeds suggest that they never much cared for the voters who supported their candidates anyway.
.. But observers trying to imagine what a decent right might look like after Trump should look elsewhere — to thinkers and writers who basically accept the populist turn, and whose goal is to supply coherence and intellectual ballast, to purge populism of its bigotries and inject good policy instead.
For an account of policy people working toward this goal, read Sam Tanenhaus in the latest Time Magazine, talking to conservatives on Capitol Hill who are trying to forge a Trumpism-after-Trump that genuinely serves working-class families instead of just starting racially charged feuds.
.. I don’t know if any of these efforts can pull the post-Trump right away from anti-intellectualism and chauvinism. But their project is the one that matters to what conservatism is right now, not what it might have been had John McCain been elected president, or had the Iraq War been something other than a misbegotten mess, or had the 2000-era opening to China gone the way free traders hoped.